Editorial: Both of the CPN-UML and the CPN-Maoist Center, which have been leading two strands of Nepal’s left-wing political referendum for nearly three decades, have convened national conventions at one-and-a-half-month intervals. After the UML movement of 2046-47 BS and the movement of UCPN (Maoist) 2062-63 BS, they are somehow at the center of power politics. But the success achieved by the unity between these two parties in a short period of their party history (2075-77) has become a measure of the Left public opinion in Nepal and the people’s desire for change.

The Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) was disbanded in various ways, be it individualistic thinking or tendency or the manipulation of national / international power.And, both the re-established parties went their separate ways with bitter animosity, but they are compelled to join the CPN (Maoist) for their own party ideology, philosophy and on some occasions even for their own protection.

Because two-thirds of the country’s population is close to the Left ideology and the Left is in favor of unity, both parties are bound to carry the ‘legacy’ of the CPN (Maoist). The documents presented at the tenth general convention of the UML and the eighth general convention of the Maoists and the speeches of the leaders also indicate that.

And, it is an important document presented at a general convention to examine the legacy of the CPN, namely socialist philosophy, policies and programs, and to reflect the aspirations of the general left. Coincidentally, a comparative study of these documents, which came at intervals of three months, guided not only their party politics but also the future political direction of the country through the policies, programs and practices of the CPN (Maoist).

In the document presented by CPN (M) Chairman Prachanda at the General Convention, the monopoly of world capitalism and exploitation of the poor and weak nations, Madan Bhandari and Prachanda’s contribution to the communist movement of Nepal, and the conclusions regarding the features of Nepal’s constitution have been adopted.

From the above four important aspects of evaluation of international situation, evaluation of history (contribution of Madan Bhandari and Prachanda to Nepali revolution), commitment and synthesis of constitution made by Constituent Assembly and re-commitment to synthesis of Nepali capitalist revolution, it is clear that party led by Prachanda is the successor of Unified CPN.

Henceforth, the political report passed by the CPN (UML) Legislative General Convention seems to have been reluctant to assimilate the conclusions of the CPN. Some analysts have criticized UML chairperson KP Sharma Oli for backing down from socialism and Madan Bhandari’s new democratic capitalist program. Therefore, no matter how much socialism is mentioned in the document, it has been analyzed in such a way that blind privatization and commercialization will be strengthened even in basic sectors like education and health. Similarly, even though the goodwill of the public opinion is left alliance / unity, the UML document is silent about going back to that path even if some aspects of the unity were positive yesterday.Oli’s statement that it is no longer necessary for the UML to unite with anyone party in Nepal after the General Convention of the Legislature is clear.

Instead, the Maoist document emphasizes the importance of uniting with all leftist and patriotic revolutionaries. The document has also opened the way for wide-ranging cooperation between the left-democratic forces in principle, indicating that it has begun to transform itself out of radicalism. Similarly, the Maoists have raised issues such as the rise of public education, revival of agriculture and efforts to link leaders and cadres with industry, calling it the path of Nepali socialism.

There is still hesitation and confusion in some theoretical propositions in the roadmap put forward by Prachanda regarding the task to be done for the construction of socialism. However, by putting forward all the important programs of the CPN (Maoist) documents and declarations, Prachanda has tried to prove that the Maoists are the real successors of the then CPN. It will be clear in the coming days how well he and his party can be involved in the implementation of these policies and programs in a way that the people can feel.

What is needed is for the UML to break away from the tradition of the so-called ‘people’s multi-party democracy’ as a principle and the Maoists to consider ‘Maoism’ as a guiding principle.