Opinion : Prachanda has justified the conclusion of the Unified CPN (NCP) on the monopoly of world capitalism and its exploitation of the poor and vulnerable nations.
The analysis of the contributions of Madan Bhandari and Prachanda is considered to be the same as the evaluation of the Interim Political Report of the Unified CPN (the report of the CPN (which should have been pp. 35 and 36) is 37-38). The report of Prachanda’s eighth general convention has also gladly accepted the contribution of both.
The Maoist Center fully agrees with the conclusion that the Nepali Democratic Capitalist Revolution has been completed (quoted from page 14 of the CPN (Maoist) political report on page 30 of the report entitled The Path to Nepali Socialism).

Saying that the conclusion of the report of the CPN (Prachanda’s report from pp. 14-17 to p. 33) regarding the features of the Nepali constitution is correct.The Eighth General Convention of the CPN (Maoist Center) has adopted the succession of the Unified Party (even if the CPN (MC) has any other name in the future).

Evaluation of the above four important aspects of history (contribution of Madan Bhandari and Prachanda to the Nepali revolution), evaluation of international situation, Constituent Assembly. It is also claimed that the party led by Prachanda is the successor of the Unified CPN due to the commitment and synthesis of the constitution from the Constituent Assembly and the renewed commitment to the synthesis of the Nepali capitalist revolution.

In the political report passed by the CPN (UML) General Convention on September 3, 2021, it seems that the CPN (UML) has been reluctant to accept the conclusions of the time. However, the UML has summarized the positive aspects (conclusions reached during the unification) of the two streams adopted by the CPN-UML and the CPN-Maoist till 2074 BS.But KP Sharma Oli has remained silent on whether that unity was right or whether unity is still needed. At that time, Oli was more concerned with how to preserve the party’s internal unity, which he had inherited from the supreme court, than for more Left unity.

After the General constitution Assembly, Chairman Oli has been saying that it is no longer necessary for the UML to unite with anyone in Nepal. However, Prachanda has mentioned in the report of the 8th General Convention the importance of uniting with all the leftist and patriotic revolutionaries.

While Prachanda has put forward some programs saying that it is the path of Nepali socialism, Oli has not put forward any other program except that the things mentioned in the constitution should be fulfilled.

Just as KP Oli has gone back to the path of socialism, calling Madan Bhandari’s new democratic capitalist program a principle, he has gone back and demonstrated political manipulation. In the same way, while calling for the path of Nepali socialism, Prachanda is afraid to move ahead with radical thinking by calling Maoism, which is considered as the guiding principle of the military and political strategy of encircling the urban areas by remote villagers during the People’s War. It was stated that the guiding principle of the Nepales communists would be Marxism-Leninism with a very clear explanation of the fact that party unity.

It can also be said that the UML and the Maoist party have taken a communist retrogressive path in the name of a program and in the name of another ideology. Prachanda has painstakingly synthesized the development of Nepali society, while Oli has reported on what happened when he was the Prime Minister. Which is not a matter to be passed by the General convention.

Just as Oli has praised his government’s work and tried to justify the dissolution of parliament. Similarly, Prachanda has given more importance to the struggle for the restoration of the parliament, dissolution of the parliament and restoration of the parliament than the achievements of the CPN’s government headed by KP sharma Oli. They both deal with their confidence as they choose to embark on their activities. It can be said that the reports of both of them are motivated by prejudice.

Prachanda’s report discusses the global development of information technology and the challenges it poses, as well as the monstrous nature of global capitalism. The reference sources themselves are unreliable and inaccurate in themselves.

There is still hesitation and confusion in some theoretical propositions in the roadmap put forward by Prachanda regarding the task to be done for the construction of socialism. While talking about peaceful competition and legal path, it has not been adequately explained. At this point, anti-communists have been protesting against the communists as authoritarians and violators of fundamental rights.

This is an important point to clarify. This is where the term non-compromise struggle, committed to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, comes into play. Ram karki’s supplementary proposal has also indicated for this.

If we look at some of the hesitations and confusions of Prachanda’s report, this time the political assimilation is a creative assimilation beyond the way Madan Bhandari attacked the inert (dogmatic) tradition in the communist movement of Nepal in 2049 BS.

In such a global imperialist world, Prachanda has openly assimilated the fact that certain political parties cannot be considered as major enemies or foes. In other words, the proponents of the current constitution have become fierce materialists by pursuing a policy of maximum cooperation, coordination and unity with the political forces. In other words, it seems that Prachanda aims to make his party omnipresent through the General Convention.

This means that the form of class struggle that the CPN (Maoist) has been saying has completely changed and even the definition of class struggle has changed. This is an anti-radical way of thinking, while in the eyes of radicalists it is a surrenderist and class-coordinating way. This dispute will continue.

The feature of the Prachanda report in the overall Nepali politics is the declaration that it is ready to accept its weaknesses in writing and is ready for transformation. However, the future will determine whether the behavior will be straightforward or confusing.

However, some collectivist activities are seen as cheap propaganda. There is a need to change the concept and behavior of labor policy from the government (state) rather than the ideals associated with labor. That should be visible to the public.

At this time, the Maoists have a major stake in the central government and the character of the ministries and ministries they have handled is similar to the style of Rabindranath Sharma, Ram Sharan Mahat and Vijay Gachhadar.

The arrogance shown by the Maoist ministerial leaders while standing on the hill of harmful activities, fearing some flagrant policy corruption to feed the limited broker of cunning capitalists, has made a mockery of the Prachanda document. Is it possible to curb such a trend after this General Convention? This is the most serious question and also the very first examine  of the document.

Another positive aspect of the Prachanda report is that it still keeps alive the hope of party unity among the leftist parties in Nepal. In the same way, the path of comprehensive cooperation among all the left-democratic forces has also been opened in principle, not only by engaging in the rhetoric of leftist unity but also by being fed organizationally.The main basis of this is to justify the need for the proponents of the current constitution to walk together. This task is the task of all left-democratic political parties for the implementation of the infant republic and progressive agendas and the development of the political system.

In spite of this, in recent times, Nepalese political parties have entrusted the source of ideas and debate to the main leadership. This is exactly what happened yesterday. Whatever happens tomorrow will be fine. What our leader said yesterday was also right. Our leaders will do well in the days to come. Even if you give hell, even if you give heaven, it will be better to give by leader.

It is seen that the situation is getting worse. The Maoist party could not be free from this demoralizing tradition. In the world-famous novel ‘A Tale of Two Cities’ in 1859, shortly before the French Revolution, today’s Nepali political society has become same like the satire of Charles Dickens.

“It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything before us, we had nothing before us, we were all going direct to Heaven..”